30 November 2025
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| Muang Mai Market |
The conversation started with my mother's confusion, a moment of cultural whiplash that I suspect many Westerners feel when they arrive in Asia. We are currently in Thailand, and she could not reconcile the ingrained safety protocols of her American life with the effortless confidence of the local food scene.
As she put it to me: "Why in America do we walk into a grocery store, feel compelled to wash the vegetables, and ensure the meat stays cold, yet in Thailand, the food sits out for hours in the heat and sun, and you can buy fruit—even peeled pomelo—from any vendor, and everything is fine? Why do I have a mental checklist in the grocery store: 'Should I rinse this off before I eat it?', but I feel completely comfortable on the streets of Thailand? Who knows who touched that pre-peeled fruit? In the US, people wear gloves, but here, they don't, and people are fine."
Her confusion highlights the central tension of modern food safety. We have spent two weeks in Thailand together, enthusiastically enjoying the street food. I have eaten large scoops of pre-made chicken green curry that has sat out for hours on the roadside, without reheating it like I would in the United States with prepared foods from Whole Foods Market, and neither of us has had a foodborne illness. My mother is comfortable buying her pomelo from any street market vendor, never worrying that it was peeled and packaged by human hands.
Yet, the ease of eating street food is jarring compared to the Dread we feel back home. Is the food in the United States simply less fresh and chemically preserved to last longer on shelves? Or is our anxiety about needing to wear gloves and enforce constant refrigeration a symptom of something much deeper—a fundamental difference in how we handle disease risk from pathogens and bacteria?
The cultural divergence in terms of food safety is further complicated by other Asian contexts, such as India. There, I observed locals' hesitation to eat food handled by others, leading some consumers to favor processed foods made by machines and packaged in plastic because they mistakenly believe that a lack of human contact guarantees cleanliness (Reddy et al., 2020). I remember talking to a dad at a Chennai bakery, baffled by why he was more comfortable eating ultra-processed snacks than street food, and he explained the concept of "uncleanly hands" to me. But why is there this cultural split? Why are some cultures comfortable eating curries and rice with their hands, as in India, while others insist on plastic wrappers for a hamburger?
| India Food Prep |
The answer lies in tracing the food supply chain and the journey of our food from the field to our plate. This blog post will bring together my research on Transnational Corporations (TNCs), food safety politics, and cultural norms to make sense of this profound difference in cultural attitudes toward food handling and street food in Asia versus the industrialized United States. I will explore the paradox of the clean plate and the dirty street by asking whether Trust or Control is the more effective and/or sustainable food safety mechanism.
Why the West Relies on Control and Fear
When my mother asked why Americans think their food is dirty, my first thought was simple: bacteria and the fear of illness. But in truth, that deep-rooted Western anxiety actually arises from the political economy and psychology of our food system. The core idea is that our fear increases as the distance between us and our food increases. The US food safety system is essentially a fortress of Control, designed to manage the unseen and systemic risks of a long and industrialized supply chain (Nestle, 2010).
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| Thai Street Food Vendors |
In the Asian food landscape, the system thrives on a shortened supply chain built on Trust and local transparency. For example, when I am in Sri Lanka and order food from a banana leaf restaurant, I am confident in the process because the owners likely source their vegetables and fruit from the local market down the street, which receives produce from small local farmers almost every day. This immediate, high-turnover model ensures that the food spends less time spoiling or developing dangerous pathogens, creating an intrinsic safety through speed and freshness that is immediately visible to the consumer. I feel incredibly safe knowing my food is fresh and has not been sitting outside of a clean place for days and days. In contrast, the US system relies on vast, anonymous, and global sourcing, which necessitates a centralized control system incompatible with the simplicity and speed of the local market model.
The sheer length and complexity of the modern Western food chain—from globalized raw materials to the refrigerated supermarket shelf—create inherent liabilities. In the United States, food is produced through an elaborate and global process: ingredients are sourced internationally, aggregated in large-scale processing plants, and then distributed over vast distances. Supermarkets maintain standards by relying on a constant chain of refrigeration, thick packaging, and extensive regulatory paperwork and testing (Lueck, 2005).
The risk in the US food system lies in the distant processing plant, which is the point of most significant industrial aggregation and, paradoxically, the source of the American consumer's most profound anxiety. The plant processes massive volumes of product from multiple sources, so a single contamination event can trigger a nationwide recall (Nestle, 2010). People justifiably fear bacterial strains like Staphylococcus, as well as pesticide residues, chemical additives, or invisible microbial contamination introduced at a technological stage by a corporation the consumer has no control over or connection to (Nestle, 2010). This is the source of the uncontrollable dread—the inability to visually verify or personally trust the distant actors handling your food.
The current approach relies on demanding costly control measures that consume constant energy and materials. The U.S. strategy is particularly energy-intensive because the long, cold supply chain—from farm storage to refrigerated trucks and supermarket cases—demands continuous, expensive power. As Lueck (2005) pointed out, this dependence on refrigeration and logistics is vital for maintaining the extended shelf life that a globalized, fragmented food system requires.
Safety Through Trust, Speed, and Hedonic Value
In stark contrast to the sterile anxiety of the West, the enduring safety of Asian street food—despite its often high counts of indicator organisms suggesting poor sanitation—is a masterclass in risk mitigation through efficiency and cultural trust (Rao et al., 2012). To break down my academic jargon: Indicator organisms are bacteria that, while usually not harmful themselves, signal that the food has been exposed to unhygienic conditions, like poorly washed hands or contaminated surfaces. The Western-trained eye sees these counts and screams "danger!" (Rao et al., 2012). However, in Thailand and similar countries, there is a deep, long-standing cultural trust in local vendors and the visible cooking process that happens immediately, which serves as a powerful safety barrier. Customers trust the vendor’s expertise, their use of fresh ingredients, and the simple fact that the food has not been packaged and transported for days.
The Thai model, therefore, thrives because it literally short-circuits the long industrial chain, and the food system relies on speed and heat as its primary microbial safety controls. This is a brilliant but straightforward substitution. Instead of the US system's endless refrigeration and packaging designed to extend shelf life (Lueck, 2005), the Asian system minimizes the time food exists in a high-risk temperature zone. Near-instantaneous turnover is key: street vendors operate under intense local competition and high consumer demand. They are successful precisely because they purchase raw materials, prepare them, and sell them out within hours (Rao et al., 2012). The US system, with its global sourcing and complex distribution, requires high overhead and long shelf life, which makes the high turnover rate of street vendors economically unfeasible.
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| Thai Handling Raw Meat |
Because the food is processed, cooked at high temperatures, and sold quickly, this process eliminates the time pathogens need to proliferate, which is especially critical in a warm climate (Rao et al., 2012). This is why a Thai vendor can safely sell food that has been lying out for a few hours. Pathogens like Listeria monocytogenes, which thrive in cold storage and are a significant concern in the industrialized US chain, simply do not have enough time to reach infectious doses when the supply chain is measured in minutes, not days (Rao et al., 2012). For the Thai consumer, the act of cooking itself is the purification step, a safety barrier more trustworthy than any distant corporate seal.
More compellingly, this system works because the risk is emotionally offset by the perceived value proposition. This proposition is the consumer’s holistic assessment of the service’s benefits relative to its cost, a concept extensively studied by Seo and Lee (2021). Street food behavior is driven by a deep assessment of service quality, which they identified across five key dimensions: food quality, employee service, physical environment, price, and rapidity (Seo & Lee, 2021).
This value is split into two powerful forces that comprehensively overcome the hygiene deficit:
- Utilitarian Value (Rational Benefits): This refers to the purchase's objective and functional worth, primarily defined by low price and high speed. I can speak to this personally: today, I ordered a mussel yellow curry with spinach that was already prepared and only cost two dollars to take away. The convenience is instantaneous: I simply tell the vendor what I want and receive it immediately. This efficient transaction delivers a high return for minimal cost and time (Seo & Lee, 2021).
- Hedonic Value (Emotional Benefits): This captures the emotional pleasure and satisfaction derived from the experience—the cultural authenticity, the sensory spectacle, and the enjoyment of the moment (Jeaheng et al., 2023). For the Eastern consumer, this high Hedonic Value creates a stronger connection between food quality and its rational worth, effectively making the risk acceptable because the experience is so richly rewarding (Seo & Lee, 2021). I remember the first time my father and I tried crocodile skewers at a night market in Chiang Mai. We were not thinking about food handling; we were enthralled, picking out our raw skewers and watching the vendor grill them on a massive open flame, adding sauces and spices. We were not worried about the hygiene because we were fully engaged in the cultural experience of watching the entire culinary process unfold.
The struggle for food safety is now being fought on the ground in developing nations like Thailand, where global market forces are actively dismantling the traditional trust model. This seismic shift is driven by the rise of Foreign Direct Investment and the globalization of the food processing industry, exported primarily by major Western and Transnational Corporations (Wilkinson, 2012). Japanese transnational corporations, for instance, are multinational behemoths such as Nestlé and Unilever that invest heavily in food production facilities outside their home countries to secure supply bases or enter new markets. Their strategies, which are often focused on developmental imports or establishing affiliates to produce for the host country’s domestic market, export the industrial model into the Thai economy (Wilkinson, 2012).
This Foreign Direct Investment often targets high-value, highly processed foods like the snacks and beverages I researched in my nutrition transition capstone, thereby accelerating the adoption of an industrialized global diet. The detrimental result is a shift toward new forms of malnutrition where poverty coexists with obesity (Wilkinson, 2012). This means that while traditional fresh foods like meat, vegetables, and fruit provide essential vitamins and minerals, the processed packaged foods pushed by Transnational Corporations are often just industrial junk—dense with calories, sugar, and artificial ingredients but severely lacking in nutrient density, even when artificially fortified.
The investment also risks replacing locally sourced raw materials with imported ingredients (Wilkinson, 2012), a shift that carries profound personal, economic, and emotional implications for Thailand’s food system. The street food economy, which depends heavily on local farmers and short-chain distributors, faces significant threats as more Thai products are imported. This not only undermines local agriculture but also endangers the livelihoods of countless families who rely on selling fresh, local produce to keep their stalls alive. Moreover, these ingredients are often transferred through intra-firm transactions within Transnational Corporations, consolidating corporate control over the entire supply chain. According to Wilkinson (2012), such reliance on imports extends the supply chain, eroding the traditional system's effort to keep it short and increasing its fragility.
| FDI in Thailand Declines |
Supermarkets are capturing the “Big Middle”—the lucrative mass market that seeks both quality and low price—by delivering superior value, particularly through perceived food safety (Gorton et al., 2011). This is because the supermarket's visible, controlled environment offers a promise of cleanliness that counteracts specific anxieties in the traditional model. The rising fear of pesticide residues in fresh vegetables and highly publicized outbreaks, such as the devastating bird flu crisis in the early 2000s, directly dents consumer confidence. The bird flu outbreak severely impacted the region, leading to the culling of millions of chickens and several human fatalities, causing widespread panic and deepening consumers' distrust of poultry sold in open wet markets (Gorton et al., 2011).
This fear drove consumers toward the controlled and refrigerated environment of the supermarket, making it increasingly attractive, especially as a non-class-specific option. Gorton et al. (2011) found that the appeal of supermarkets was no longer confined to a specific class niche (i.e., just the wealthy, educated, or urban elite); instead, a broad cross-section of the population now relies on supermarkets. This means that the global push for industrialized Control is winning ground against the local system of Trust by weaponizing the one thing the wet market cannot easily guarantee: standardized and visible cleanliness, as well as the verifiable absence of unseen chemical risk. This structural change erodes the cultural basis of trust that has sustained the street food economy for generations.
| Food in India Upheld by Class Structure |
The ultimate failure of the "Control" model, when exported, is illustrated by my experience with Indian food safety, which revealed to me the devastating cost of implementing expensive Western-style regulations without the necessary infrastructure or social equality (Reddy et al., 2020). When I observed the street food landscape in India, I noticed a strong public awareness and hesitation regarding direct physical contact with food. People were far less likely to eat foods touched by bare hands, often viewing such handling as inherently less clean. There was clearly a local safety culture based on managing visible, person-to-person risk (Reddy et al., 2020).
Yet India adopted food laws that are, in theory, "on par with developed countries," essentially importing a high-control philosophy (Reddy et al., 2020). The resulting system is often split into two (bifurcated), which means it operates on two vastly different levels simultaneously. On the one hand, affluent consumers demand verifiable safety standards, driving vendors in wealthier areas toward industrial inputs and costly compliance requirements. On the other side, low-income vendors who operate on extremely tight margins simply lack the capital for compliance, as they cannot afford the required refrigeration, proper water supply, or registration fees (Reddy et al., 2020).
Failing to provide support results in a class-based safety system that is neither fair nor genuinely safe for everyone. This system highlights the visible dirt of the street as a symbol of economic marginalization. For the poorest vendors, the formal legal framework becomes an impossible hurdle, forcing them to remain unregistered and outside the regulated economy. Their struggle to survive by selling inexpensive food turns into a public health concern, criminalizing poverty and making the dirt on their stalls a visible sign of their exclusion from mainstream economic life (Reddy et al., 2020).
Furthermore, the global push for Western standards often masks trade barriers. Strict Sanitary and Phytosanitary (SPS) rules—covering food safety, animal, and plant health—are frequently exploited as covert obstacles to exports from developing countries (Wilkinson, 2012). For instance, developed nations may impose nearly impossible inspection or testing standards for chemical residues in imported fish or preserved fruits. These costly and technically complex protocols can effectively inhibit the growth of high-value, non-traditional processed foods that countries like Thailand and India depend on for income (Wilkinson, 2012). As a result, while transnational corporations can invest in and profit from their systems, independent exporters in developing nations are effectively shut out of lucrative Western markets by the very safety standards intended to protect consumers.
The paradox of the clean plate and the dirty street is a stark choice between two entirely different ways of life.
The US model, which is driven by the Dread of industrial risk, demands a system of total control that is immensely expensive, environmentally unsustainable, and psychologically taxing. It trades transparency for sterility and leaves American consumers anxious about the invisible toxins lurking in a processed and packaged world (Nestle, 2010).
The Thai street food model, which is primarily driven by Trust and Hedonic Value, offers a fast, affordable, and culturally rich system that is remarkably resilient and sustainable (Seo & Lee, 2021). It grounds safety in community, human connection, and immediate efficiency.
As globalization pushes the world toward a standardized, control-based system to eliminate an invisible risk—the microbial threat posed by the extended supply chain—we must seriously ask whether the price of that sterility is too high.
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| Street Food is Trusted in Thailand |
References
Ananchaipattana, C., Hosotani, Y., Kawasaki, S., Pongsawat, S., ISOBE, S., & INATSU, Y. (2012). Bacterial contamination in retail foods purchased in Thailand. Food Science and Technology Research, 18(5), 705-712. https://www.jstage.jst.go.jp/article/fstr/18/5/18_705/_pdf.
Gorton, M., Sauer, J., & Supatpongkul, P. (2011). Wet markets, supermarkets and the “big middle” for food retailing in developing countries: Evidence from Thailand. World Development, 39(9), 1624-1637. https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0305750X11000246.
Jeaheng, Y., Al-Ansi, A., Chua, B. L., Ngah, A. H., Ryu, H. B., Ariza-Montes, A., & Han, H. (2023). Influence of Thai street food quality, price, and involvement on traveler behavioral intention: exploring cultural difference (eastern versus western). Psychology Research and Behavior Management, 223-240. https://www.researchgate.net/publication/367472804.
López-Gálvez, F., Gómez, P. A., Artés, F., Artés-Hernández, F., & Aguayo, E. (2021). Interactions between microbial food safety and environmental sustainability in the fresh produce supply chain. Foods, 10(7), 1655. https://www.mdpi.com/2304-8158/10/7/1655.
Minami, A., Chaicumpa, W., Chongsa-Nguan, M., Samosornsuk, S., Monden, S., Takeshi, K., ... & Kawamoto, K. (2010). Prevalence of foodborne pathogens in open markets and supermarkets in Thailand. Food control, 21(3), 221-226. https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0956713509001662.
Nestle, M. (2010). Safe food: The politics of food safety (Vol. 5). Univ of California Press. https://www.jstor.org/stable/10.1525/j.ctt7zw4z1.
Reddy, A. A., Ricart, S., & Cadman, T. (2020). Driving factors of food safety standards in India: learning from street-food vendors’ behaviour and attitude. Food Security, 12(6), 1201-1217. https://www.researchgate.net/publication/341640626.
Seo, K. H., & Lee, J. H. (2021). Understanding risk perception toward food safety in street food: The relationships among service quality, values, and repurchase intention. International journal of environmental research and public health, 18(13), 6826. https://www.mdpi.com/1660-4601/18/13/6826.
Wilkinson, J. (2012). The food processing industry, globalization and developing countries. In The transformation of agri-food systems (pp. 87-108). Routledge. https://www.researchgate.net/publication/5021663.
Zanetta, L. D. A., Mucinhato, R. M. D., Hakim, M. P., Stedefeldt, E., & da Cunha, D. T. (2022). What motivates consumer food safety perceptions and beliefs? A scoping review in BRICS countries. Foods, 11(3), 432. https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC8833883/.
















